In this respect, it becomes nearly impossible to discuss class without considering the vast differences among republics as well as the heterogeneity of Yugoslav society. The focus on Slovenia is indeed crucial in disputing class and inequality-related issues: Slovenia was the most developed republic in Yugoslavia, and the socio-economic status of Slovenians was considerably higher in comparison to that of other republics. She focuses on the Roma minority in Slovenia, claiming that their unequal social position should be interpreted as resulting from socio-economic rather than ethnic differences. A similar argument is employed by Julija Sardelić.

Mežnarić proposes that ethno-nationalism was a consequence of social and perhaps existing class inequalities between the two (ethnic) groups, however. Perhaps this claim would be even more convincing if she addressed the findings of the study published in 1986 by Silva Mežnarić, who argued that social distance among different ethnic groups, specifically between Slovenians and Bosnians working in Slovenia, can be considered ethno-nationalist in nature. She claims that popular discontent initiated the dissolution of Yugoslavia and that this discontent was grounded in growing youth unemployment (not valid for Slovenia), deteriorating living standards, lack of social mobility, and corruption of elites rather than inter-ethnic hostilities during everyday life. In the first essay, Ana Dević reviews several studies pertaining to the social, economic, and cultural dimensions of the Yugoslav crisis. Following the introduction, the edited volume contains nine contributions that cover a rather broad selection of Yugoslav topics, mainly touching upon Croatian and Serbian contexts while underrepresenting topics related to other republics, especially Macedonia, Montenegro, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the editors, the publication has two aims: first, to explore the role of class in presumably classless and socialist Yugoslavia and second, to examine the role of class in the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution, which has been assumed to mainly be grounded in ethno-nationalist factors.

“We seek to ‘bring class back in’ to (post-) Yugoslav historiography …” (2), state Rory Archer, Igor Duda, and Paul Stubbs in the introduction to the edited volume entitled Social Inequalities and Discontent in Yugoslav Socialism.

Nase malo misto rapidshare